A child’s name, chosen at birth, becomes a lasting part of their identity. However, a name doesn’t just represent the individual or their parents; it also mirrors the social and cultural context, as well as the trends of the time in which they were born.

The act of naming goes beyond the individual child and can reveal a lot about the broader social context. Additionally, naming can serve as an act of resistance, in line with what American anthropologist James Scott describes as everyday forms of resistance — the silent ways through which oppressed peoples oppose a regime.

In Kosovo, from 1950 to 2000, the naming of Albanian children followed an interesting trajectory. Names began to reflect the events of the time, becoming Albanianized — derived from Albanian words, connected to Albanian history, or chosen to express opposition to certain regimes or a sense of hope for the future.

Names, in many ways, tell the story of a country’s history. For instance, children’s names in 1981 reflected the protests demanding that Kosovo be granted the status of a republic; in 1989, they responded to the revocation of Kosovo’s autonomy as a province of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; in 1990, they symbolized peaceful resistance and in 1998-99 they marked the war.

In Kosovo, this happened even though there was no institutionalization of names or naming practices — either a law or regulation that imposes or prohibits names. The practice of Albanianizing names first began in Albania under the communist government led by Enver Hoxha, which passed a law in 1948 to institutionalize personal names. As a result, in the 1950s, the five most common names in Albania were Albanianized: Agim (dawn), Drita (light), Fatime, Gëzim (joy) and Shpresa (hope).

The government aimed to create a secular Albanian identity among the population, comprising Catholics in the north, Muslims in central Albania and Orthodox Christians in the south. In this spirit of secular nationalism, they proposed that Albanian names replace the existing Catholic, Muslim and Orthodox names.

In 1975, the communist party took a further step by enacting Decree 5354, which required any citizen with a name that did not conform to the state’s politics, ideology, or moral standards to change it by 1976. At the same time, the state created an onomastics manual — the branch of linguistics that studies proper names — containing 3,000 “appropriate” Albanian names. The state imposed these names so strictly that, in some cases, parents used one name for their child at school and kept the religious name for use at home.

In Kosovo, there was never such an institutionalization of names. However, Kosovo Albanians began changing their names organically, initially inspired by Albania, and later shaped by the evolving cultural and political landscape in Kosovo.

Names over the decades 

To trace the evolution of names in Kosovo, we should start in 1950, when religious names were the most prevalent. The subsequent shift towards Albanianized names is closely tied to the position of Kosovo Albanians in Yugoslavia, as a minority demanding equality.

Czech historian Miroslav Hroch outlines a nationalist movement’s three phases: A, B and C. Phase A focuses on cultural efforts, where institutions promote their culture, language and history. Phase B involves the politicization of identity, advocating for political demands such as autonomy or independence. Phase C marks widespread popular mobilization aimed at achieving full independence.

In the 1950s, Albanian-origin names were still relatively uncommon. According to the Kosovo Statistics Agency (KAS) name database, the most popular names at that time included Fatime, Ramadan, Shaban, Bajram, Rexhep, Sevdije, Ismet and Emine.

These names are primarily derived from Islam. For example, the names Shaban, Rexhep and Ramadan correspond to months in the Islamic lunar calendar, which might indicate the months in which the children were born. Meanwhile, Fatime is derived from Fatimah, the name of one of the Prophet Muhammad’s daughters.

According to the KAS name database, the first time a name with Albanian etymology became widely popular was in 1953. This name was Agim, which appeared 65 times in a population of 800,000. Similarly, during this decade Fatmir (luck) and Drita (light) were also ranked among the 50 most popular Albanian names.

This lack of diversity in Albanian names may also suggest a lack of Albanian language education. At this time, the illiteracy rate among Albanians in Kosovo continued to be high.

In the 1960s, names derived from Albanian words gained more prominence. In addition to the names mentioned above, names such as Fatmire, Lumnije (happiness), Florije (gold), Lulzim (bloom), Bukurije (beauty) and Afrim (closeness) also gained popularity.

This change coincided with the improved status of Albanians in Yugoslavia after the dismissal of Aleksandar Ranković in 1966, the head of the Yugoslav security service, known for persecuting Albanians. His dismissal improved the positions of Albanians in Kosovo and allowed them to renew their demands for equal rights and education in their language, leading to the reopening of institutions that had been shut down, such as the Albanological Institute of Kosovo.

Despite the new momentum and industrialization in Kosovo during the 1960s and 1970s, economic disparities between Kosovo and the republics in Yugoslavia persisted and political demands for the Republic of Kosovo remained unaddressed. Moreover, the benefits of Yugoslav industrialization were not equally felt in all segments of society in Kosovo. Industrialization neglected some rural communities that later, in the 1990s, became Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) cells.

An interesting phenomenon during these years is that some names were inspired by socialism. For instance Bashkim and Vllaznim, derived from the Yugoslav phrase “Vllaznim-Bashkim,” (Brotherhood and Unity). There were also names of socialist figures, such as Enver (after Enver Hoxha, the leader of the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania) and Fadil (after Fadil Hoxha, a leading socialist figure among Albanians in Yugoslavia). The name Ganimete also gained popularity during the Yugoslav era, inspired by Ganimete Tërbeshi, a woman from Gjakova who joined the partisans in World War II and was killed at the age of 17. Her life became a socialist myth and was featured in traditional Albanian epic folk songs.

The name Bashkim reached the peak of its popularity between 1970 and 1982, with over 200 children receiving this name each year during this period. After the 1981 riots, the use of this name declined, reflecting Kosovo Albanians’ diminishing trust in the socialist project of Yugoslavia.

The University of Prishtina was founded at the end of the 1960s, enabling education in the Albanian language. This period also coincided with the Albanian Orthography Congress held in Tirana in November 1972, where delegates from Kosovo, Montenegro, Macedonia and the Arbëresh community in Italy, among others, gathered at the Orthography Congress in Tirana, and agreed upon a definitive orthography of the Albanian language. Additionally, in 1974, a new Yugoslav constitution was adopted, making Kosovo an autonomous socialist province within Yugoslavia and affirming its status within the federation.

Education allowed Albanians to learn more about their history. The University of Prishtina, along with influences from Albania, provided Kosovo Albanians with an opportunity to build social cohesion and national consciousness. Meanwhile, the Albanological Institute published work about Albanian history, literature and traditions.

As a result, in the 1970s, most Albanian children’s names in Kosovo were Albanianized, reflecting the demands of Albanians at the time. Names like Ilir (freedom), Teuta (an Illyrian queen) and Arben (referring to medieval Albanians) gained popularity, as did toponyms from Albania, with Valbona — a picturesque valley in Albania near the Kosovo border — becoming one of the most popular. In the following decades, other names inspired by Albanian toponyms, rivers and mountains also became popular in Kosovo.

In the 1980s, Albanian naming trends followed a different trajectory. During this decade, the social situation for Albanians in Kosovo worsened. Unemployment, inflation, lack of housing, poverty and poor infrastructure heightened the discontent.

This situation led to the outbreak of mass protests in 1981, where Albanians demanded equal rights within Yugoslavia and criticized elites, including the Albanian elite in Yugoslavia, as corrupt. The period saw arrests, violent clashes with protesters, killings and ultimately, the removal of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989.

This also influenced the names given to children. In 1982, following the year of unrest, names like Shqipe (Albanian) and Vlora grew in popularity, becoming some of the most common names in the 1980s. The name Vlora is a reference to the city where Albania declared independence.

Other popular names in the 1980s included Valon (meaning wave, usually in the context of a flag), Liridon (Freedom) and Kushtrim (Cry of War). Names like Labinot, Saranda and Berat (toponyms from Albania) and Besarta and Besart, come from the word “besa” (a pledge of honor).

In the 1990s, Slobodan Milošević’s regime actively sought to suppress and Serbianize Kosovo. The regime banned the Albanian language, deported Albanians and implemented programs to settle Serbs in villages and towns across Kosovo.

During the same period, in rural Kosovo, folklorist and professor Anton Çetta led the campaign to reconcile blood feuds from 1990 to 1992. There was a belief that without ending blood feuds among Albanians, true unity could not be achieved. Around 1,200 blood feuds were reconciled during this time. In 1990, the most popular name was Pajtim (reconciliation), used 1,019 times. The names Pajtesa (153 times) and Pajtime (147 times) also became popular, often chosen by families who have resolved a blood feud.

Throughout the 1990s, names reflected several influences — some were rooted in ancient history, like the Illyrians and the battles of Skanderbeg, while others were directly tied to contemporary events and figures, such as the peaceful resistance movement and the war of 1998-1999.

As a result, people began naming their children Illyrian names like: Ilir, Ardian and Taulant, as well as names inspired by national symbols, such as Valon, Flamur (flag) and Çlirim (liberation). They also adopted names based on Albanian toponyms, including Saranda, Drilon, Berat and Vjosa. Additionally, names from the Skanderbeg period, such as Albulena (from the Battle of Skanderbeg in 1457), Kastriot (from Skanderbeg’s last name, Kastrioti) and Donika (Skanderbeg’s wife), gained popularity.

Another significant political moment in the early 1990s was the peaceful resistance led by the Democratic League of Kosovo under the leadership of Ibrahim Rugova. During this time, the names Durim (patience), Qëndresa (resistance) and Qëndrim were popular.

Another name that gained popularity was Dardan, derived from the ancient Kingdom of Dardania, which once covered much of present-day Kosovo. Rugova played a key role in popularizing this name to challenge Serbian historical claims to Kosovo by referencing Dardania and its ancient heritage.

In 1999, as the war in Kosovo escalated further, names began to reflect hope and a desire for freedom. As a result, popular names from this period included Çlirim, Lirim, Lirie (liberation) and Fitore (victory). Other notable names were Kosovare, Qëndrim and Qëndresa.

After the war, there was a noticeable shift away from names with national characteristics. Between 2000 and 2010 parents embraced a wider range of names from foreign languages, including Altin, Bleona and Anita. This trend has persisted in recent years, with names such as Jara, Anik, Dion and Leart gaining popularity.

In the last decade, from 2010 to 2020, there was a resurgence of names with religious origins, mostly Muslim names such as Ajan, Asja, Amar and Omer. Interestingly, even parents who aren’t necessarily Christian gave their children names with Catholic roots, such as Gjon, Lekë and Ndre.

Meanwhile, parents have increasingly favored non-Albanian toponyms, such as Nil (Nile). In post-war Kosovo, there has been a shift toward names chosen more for their sound than their meaning, with names like Tuana (3,017 times), Jara (2,196 times) and Tian (1,383 times) becoming popular. However, many parents still opt for traditional Albanian names, including Mal (Mountain – 1,455 times), Lis (Tree – 1,154), Hana (Moon – 4,123), Bora (Snow – 1,806 female, 54 male) and Jon (Ionian Sea – 4,190).

Currently, Kosovo has no regulations spanning specific names. If such a list existed, it might include names like Shkurte (used 4,857 times for girls) and Shkurtesa (used 187 times). These names — derived from the verb to shorten — were traditionally given to daughters when the family hoped that they would not have any more daughters and that the next child would be a son. In contrast, Albania has already implemented a list that prohibits the name Shkurte.

During the Romantic period in western Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries, the collapse of old empires gave birth to nationalism, leading to a rediscovery and revival of old and new vernacular names. A similar phenomenon occurred in Kosovo between 1960 and 1999.

Today, these names serve as an archive that embodies the Kosovo Albanians’ struggle for independence. They remind us that resistance wasn’t only expressed through protests and war, but also through everyday acts like the naming of children.

Feature Image: From the artwork “My name, their city” by Alban Muja.

Text about the artwork, according to the artist Alban Muja: Seven Kosovar Albanians stand in a white space, each holding a photograph of a city in their hands. Each individual’s name corresponds to the city depicted in their photograph. The influence of nationalist identity politics among Kosovo Albanians led to a unique phenomenon: naming children after cities in Albania, especially during the 1970s and 1980s. This trend is connected to the aspiration for the unification of all Albanian-majority territories beyond the borders of present-day Albania. Although it originated in the early 19th century, it culminated with Kosovo’s declaration of independence in the first decade of the 21st century. Additionally, the inability of Kosovo Albanians to travel to what they considered the motherland of their shared ethnicity further fueled feelings of nostalgia towards Albania.