A simple majority is required to pass basic laws, but amending codes — such as those that govern the judiciary, the prosecution, or other institutions — requires what is known as a qualified majority: more than 3/5 of the Assembly. Such a majority is also necessary to appoint members of the Constitutional Court, the High Judicial Council, the High Inspectorate of Justice, the General Prosecutor, the Ombudsperson, the High State Audit Office, and others.
Beyond the risks posed by the concentration of power in a single party, there are also concerns about the proper conduct of the electoral process. The process did not escape criticism from international observers, who in their election report expressed more criticism than ever before.
The Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, a body of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), described the elections as competitive, but also noted “violations of international standards” in several aspects. The report cited cases of intimidation of opposition supporters, misuse of public administration, and the use of patronage networks to influence voters.
An important observation highlighted in the observers’ report was the unequal representation in the media, which also characterized this campaign. Data from the Audiovisual Media Authority shows that during the first two weeks of the election campaign in Albania, mainstream media failed to respect the equal media space required by the Electoral Code. SP representatives dominated the news broadcasts of 18 television stations, occupying 52.4% of the airtime on the three most-watched channels: Top Channel, TV Klan and Vizion Plus. Meanwhile, smaller parties faced serious difficulties in securing media coverage. This media dominance goes hand in hand with the concentration of media ownership and the strong ties between media owners and politics, particularly with the SP. According to the Media Ownership Monitor report, media owners are often businessmen with interests in sectors such as construction and energy — sectors that directly benefit from public contracts or building permits granted by the government.
In addition to the overwhelming media coverage, the SP’s landslide victory was also driven by several factors that made the electoral playing field uneven — including the large number of people employed in the public administration, the role of the diaspora and an electoral system that favors large parties.
Overstaffed administration
According to official data, voter turnout in these elections was 42% — the lowest ever recorded. However, considering that a large portion of the electorate lives abroad, the actual turnout within Albania’s territory is estimated to be as high as 80%.
A significant portion of SP voters are public administration employees, whose numbers have continued to grow despite the digitalization of services. The digitalization process in Albania, which began in 2007 with the establishment of the National Agency for Information Society (AKSHI), has shifted many public services online via the e-Albania platform. This transition led to the closure of numerous service counters, which had previously employed a large number of public workers. This transformation was expected to reduce the size of the public administration, as automation would decrease the need for staff at physical service points. However, the data shows that, in reality, the opposite has occurred.
After 2018, public sector employment continued to rise, reaching its peak in the election years or pre-election periods of 2021 and 2024.
Media reports revealed that during the 2021 elections, municipalities led by the Socialist Party recruited thousands of new employees. Data from 19 municipalities on temporary and permanent employment during the twelve months leading up to the May 14 local elections showed a significant increase in administrative staff, with 1,544 new hires — an increase of about 9% compared to the total existing workforce.
This situation suggests a tendency to “inflate” staffing and expand the administrative apparatus on the eve of elections. This trend was evident again in the most recent elections, with the number of public sector employees reaching 184,000 by the end of 2024. This represents an increase of 20,000 employees — or 12.4% — compared to 2013, the year the SP first came to power.
The data also show that this expansion has been particularly present at the managerial level, where the increase in director positions has been disproportionate. As a result, since 2023, an unusual ratio has emerged: for every eight specialists or ordinary employees, one director has been appointed — raising concerns about administrative bloat and efficiency.
What did the diaspora vote show?
For the first time, the Albanian diaspora had the opportunity to vote in parliamentary elections — a development that civil society had been demanding for years. About 1.1 million citizens living abroad registered to vote, but only around 200,000 exercised their right.
The voting process for the diaspora was marred by several issues: delayed verifications, a lack of transparency, and allegations of manipulation. There were also problems with verifying applications, as some voters abroad were unable to register due to incorrect residential addresses. In response to these irregularities, there were calls to extend the registration deadline.
The diaspora vote received significant media attention during the counting process due to clashes between parties and the fact that it took longer than the vote count within the country. While around 145,000 ballots (74%) were counted, approximately 50,000 envelopes from Greece remained uncounted. The delay was caused by the Democratic Party (DP), which raised suspicions that the votes from Greece had been manipulated and that the envelopes were filled out by SP militants. However, the Central Election Commission (CEC) stated that the DP failed to substantiate these claims, and the votes were ultimately counted.
Meanwhile, expectations were that the diaspora vote would penalize the SP, since many members of the diaspora are emigrants who left due to poor governance and limited opportunities in the country. However, the results told a different story: 61.14% of the diaspora voted for the SP, 23.54% for the DP, and the remainder was split among new parties such as Nisma Shqipëria Bëhet, Lëvizja Bashkë, and others.
One possible reason is that some emigrants have been abroad for decades and follow political developments through traditional media, most of which are aligned with the government. For them, the SP represents stability and infrastructural development, which they witness during visits to Albania, without experiencing the country’s daily challenges firsthand.
In addition to these factors, the way the diaspora voted was influenced by the fact that the SP has built a strong organizational network in Albanian communities abroad over the years. In countries such as Greece, Italy, Germany, and the United Kingdom, there are groups and associations that helped mobilize voters.
However, even among the diaspora, there were votes for the opposition, which shows that the diaspora is not a homogeneous group, but a mosaic of different political and social perceptions.
The system favors the big parties
In July 2020, the Albanian Assembly amended the Constitution to grant citizens the right to vote preferentially for individual candidates within multi-member party lists, paving the way for electoral reform. This change marked a shift away from the closed-list system, in which parties determined the order of candidates and citizens could vote only for parties, not individuals. The reform stipulated that at least two-thirds of each party’s list must be open to preferential voting, creating a hybrid system.
In July 2024, the Electoral Code was amended to implement this semi-open list system. Now, one-third of each party’s candidate list remains closed — determined solely by party leaders — while two-thirds are open, allowing voters to influence the ranking of candidates through preferential voting. The reforms also introduced a gender quota, requiring that at least one in every three candidates, in both the closed and open parts of the list, be women.
However, the system continues to face criticism for failing to ensure equal representation. In the last elections, even with the new system, smaller parties — despite collectively securing around 150,000 votes — failed to convert those votes into seats. A significant portion of their votes ended up “burned,” a term used to describe ballots that do not result in any representation in the Assembly. This occurs due to the “D’Hondt” formula, which in practice favors the party that finishes first in each district.
The initiative Shqipëria Bëhet (Albania Becomes) coalition received around 70,000 votes at the national level and won only one mandate, because the votes collected were spread across many districts, and only the votes it collected in Tirana, around 16,000 votes, secured it a mandate. Meanwhile, Lëvizja Bashkë (Together Movement) collected around 20,000 votes at the national level and won one mandate in Tirana, which it secured with around 12,000 votes. Meanwhile, the Mundësia party (Opportunity party) collected around 40,000 votes at the national level and won two mandates in Tirana.
Considering all these factors, which create an uneven terrain for the electoral competition, there is still a lot of work to be done for Albania to achieve a fair electoral process and proper representation.
In the current circumstances, Albania could benefit from broader public awareness about the need for fairer representation in the Assembly, which could drive necessary changes in how the electoral system functions. In the absence of such awareness, one of the most likely paths forward is continued cooperation among opposition forces.
Opposition parties need to conduct a genuine analysis of their internal dynamics, identifying organizational challenges and taking responsibility for their electoral performance so far, despite the difficulties posed by an uneven playing field. In the case of the Democratic Party (DP), an important step would be removing from leadership those figures who have contributed to repeated electoral defeats. This is not merely a symbolic gesture but a step toward meaningful political reform. Even new parties have reason to reflect on their electoral experience.
Despite ideological differences, the main challenges remain shared; it is necessary to build cooperation between these forces — not necessarily on the basis of common ideology, but through a political and social agreement aimed at creating a fairer electoral system and ensuring free and fair elections.
Feature image: Majlinda Hoxha/K2.0
Want to support our journalism? Become a member of HIVE or consider making a donation. 